In the Name of the People
Voter associations are the alternative to parties
The founding of the Sarah Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW) sparked great euphoria and raised hopes in some circles. Ten months later, disillusionment has set in. After the first state elections, the BSW is struggling to get involved in coalitions, acting more or less successfully as a majority provider for the CDU and SPD, and in doing so is betraying its [touted ideals]
Link.
by Felix Feistel and Dejan Lazic
The founding of the Sarah Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW) sparked great euphoria and raised hopes in some circles. Ten months later, disillusionment has set in. After the first state elections, the BSW is struggling to get involved in coalitions, acting more or less successfully as a majority provider for the CDU and SPD, and in doing so is betraying its [touted ideals]
Link.
by Felix Feistel and Dejan Lazic
Like the Greens and the AfD before them, the BSW has allowed itself to become part of the political establishment just to get positions and have a bit of a say. The BSW is also accused of a [democracy deficit]Link, in that the party leadership appoints personnel and directs the state associations. In Hamburg, a number of individuals are already drawing the first conclusions from their disappointment with the BSW. For the upcoming state election, an [alternative electoral list]Link) called "[Die Wahl]Link" was founded, which campaigns for peace and [social justice]Link - in other words, the ideals that BSW has also written into its name as a subtitle.
However, this is not a new party, but an independent voters' association. This means that Hamburg is an alternative to the classic party system - and thus an opportunity to break the hegemony of the parties. So far, voters' associations have only played a role at the local political level. However, it would also be conceivable to establish them at the state and federal level. Independent voters' associations have several advantages over parties. For example, they meet people's need for political participation. People get involved in the associations on a low-threshold and voluntary basis in order to deal with specific political concerns.
Unlike traditional parties, which are often perceived as being too ideologically influenced and driven by supra-regional interests, voters' associations rely on a pragmatic, citizen-oriented approach that focuses on local problems and issues. This fundamental orientation is reflected in various aspects of their organization and working methods. A key distinguishing feature is the organizational structure. While traditional parties are typically hierarchical and have complex, multi-level decision-making processes, voters' associations are characterized by flat hierarchies and flexible structures. This organizational leanness enables them to respond quickly and immediately to local needs and challenges. The concentration on the local level also allows for a more intensive discussion of local issues and problems. In addition, a voters' association does not have the party discipline that parties traditionally have - and in contrast to the Basic Law, which subjects the representatives to their conscience. In this case, the representatives are actually only subject to their conscience, as required by the Basic Law.
The resources available also differ fundamentally. While parties often have full-time employees, extensive financial resources and established infrastructure, the work of voters' associations is based mainly on voluntary commitment and local support. What may initially appear to be a disadvantage often turns out to be a strength: the dependence on civic engagement leads to a closer connection with the community and a stronger anchoring in the local population.
The differences are particularly clear in the area of ideological orientation. Traditional parties are often limited in their positioning by their basic programs and supra-regional strategies. This makes political tactics and compromises against the voters' own values and interests for the purpose of gaining power necessary and possible. Ideological glasses often obscure a realistic view of reality - for example when dealing with other parties or social problems. Voter associations, on the other hand, can flexibly adapt their positions to local conditions. This ideological independence enables them to develop pragmatic solutions that are based exclusively on the specific needs of the community. Instead of party-political doctrines, practical considerations and the direct effectiveness of measures are in the foreground.
The decision-making processes in voter associations also follow a different pattern. While parties are often characterized by long voting chains and the need to coordinate with higher levels, voter associations can act more directly and quickly. The proximity to the citizens also enables those affected to be directly involved in decision-making processes.ocesse. This form of participatory democracy strengthens trust in political decisions and increases their acceptance among the population - if only because citizens have a chance to participate in decision-making processes and thus help shape social conditions.
Another significant advantage of voters' associations is their function as a "school of democracy". The low-threshold participation opportunities and the direct connection to local issues make it easier to get started in political engagement. Citizens experience directly how their participation can bring about concrete changes. This experience of democratic self-efficacy is particularly valuable for strengthening local democracy and political education. In this way, citizens begin to deal with social contexts instead of just consuming the image of reality conveyed by the media. This leads to a deeper understanding of how society works and the intertwining of economic interests with politics. This broadens the horizon of thought and makes new, more in-depth and sustainable approaches to solutions possible in the first place.
The practical advantages of voters' associations are particularly evident in the efficiency of their work. Thanks to short decision-making processes and a focus on concrete problem solutions, they can often act more quickly and in a more targeted manner than traditional parties. The low administrative costs and the effective use of resources also enable resource-saving policies. The willingness to experiment with innovative solutions also contributes to the development of creative answers to local challenges.
However, some of these advantages exist mainly at the local level. When it comes to state or federal politics, the structure of the voters' associations is strained. Office space for the MPs has to be rented, MPs have to stay permanently in Berlin or the respective state capitals. Direct contact with the voters is also lost. It is also questionable how voters' associations at the state or federal level can obtain the necessary majorities to actually enter parliament.
Regarding the financial aspect, it can be noted that each parliamentary group in the state parliament or federal parliament is provided with financial resources. These can be used to rent office space and pay the MPs their expenses. These financial resources are calculated according to the proportion of votes received in elections. In order to maintain proximity to the voters, it would be conceivable to introduce a rotation principle. Members of parliament from the voters' associations could take turns over the course of a legislative period and be replaced again and again, perhaps also on a topic-specific basis. In this way, no member of parliament would be in parliament for more than a few days or weeks, which would make it more difficult to distance themselves from the voters. Corruption can also be limited in this way, as lobbyists always have to convince new contacts. In addition, the Internet now makes it possible to communicate with voters remotely and to obtain their views on the topics being discussed.
It is also possible to elect members of parliament to the Bundestag or the state parliaments via direct candidates. These are directly elected in each constituency and therefore do not have to get as many votes as the parties need for their list candidates. In order to pool votes, however, it would be possible to set up a state or nationwide alliance of voters' associations that functions like a party only in terms of votes. The members do not have to agree on the content. It is enough if they are united by the desire to disempower the traditional parties and to involve the people in political processes so that a real democracy can emerge.
In this way, it is also possible not to refuse to work with parties due to party discipline or questionable principles. Instead, the members of the voters' association could work with various parties on specific issues and according to their own interests without having to enter into a coalition and then being bound to it. In the best case, coalitions would thus be completely superfluous in the future. Instead, there would be topic-related cooperation in coordination with the voters.
Voters' associations could help to finally take democracy in Germany a step forward and break the party oligarchy. They would be a way of involving people more directly in political processes and bringing their views on the issues to parliament. In Hamburg, "Die Wahl" is making a start for the state elections next spring. But to do this, it first needs signatures in order to be able to take part in the state elections at all.Given the early federal elections, it would make sense to set up voter associations and unite them in a supra-regional alliance. However, due to the early elections, this would have to be implemented very quickly if they want to play a role in the coming legislative period. Whether this is realistic remains to be seen. However, this would require interest from citizens and voluntary commitment.
11/18/2024
Felix Feistel, born in 1992, studied law and graduated with a state examination and works as a freelance journalist and author. He regularly publishes articles on current events on various platforms, including [manova.news]Link, [apolut.net]Link, [tkp.at]Link, [norberthaering.de]Link and the [freie Medienakademie]Link. He also runs a [Telegram channel](t.me/Felix_Feistel).
Dejan Lazic, social economist and business lawyer, university lecturer for constitutional and migration law (2002-2022), publications at [haintz.media]Link, [Overton-Magazin]Link, [tkp.at]Link, [nachdenkseiten.de]Link and [norberthaering.de]Link
However, this is not a new party, but an independent voters' association. This means that Hamburg is an alternative to the classic party system - and thus an opportunity to break the hegemony of the parties. So far, voters' associations have only played a role at the local political level. However, it would also be conceivable to establish them at the state and federal level. Independent voters' associations have several advantages over parties. For example, they meet people's need for political participation. People get involved in the associations on a low-threshold and voluntary basis in order to deal with specific political concerns.
Unlike traditional parties, which are often perceived as being too ideologically influenced and driven by supra-regional interests, voters' associations rely on a pragmatic, citizen-oriented approach that focuses on local problems and issues. This fundamental orientation is reflected in various aspects of their organization and working methods. A key distinguishing feature is the organizational structure. While traditional parties are typically hierarchical and have complex, multi-level decision-making processes, voters' associations are characterized by flat hierarchies and flexible structures. This organizational leanness enables them to respond quickly and immediately to local needs and challenges. The concentration on the local level also allows for a more intensive discussion of local issues and problems. In addition, a voters' association does not have the party discipline that parties traditionally have - and in contrast to the Basic Law, which subjects the representatives to their conscience. In this case, the representatives are actually only subject to their conscience, as required by the Basic Law.
The resources available also differ fundamentally. While parties often have full-time employees, extensive financial resources and established infrastructure, the work of voters' associations is based mainly on voluntary commitment and local support. What may initially appear to be a disadvantage often turns out to be a strength: the dependence on civic engagement leads to a closer connection with the community and a stronger anchoring in the local population.
The differences are particularly clear in the area of ideological orientation. Traditional parties are often limited in their positioning by their basic programs and supra-regional strategies. This makes political tactics and compromises against the voters' own values and interests for the purpose of gaining power necessary and possible. Ideological glasses often obscure a realistic view of reality - for example when dealing with other parties or social problems. Voter associations, on the other hand, can flexibly adapt their positions to local conditions. This ideological independence enables them to develop pragmatic solutions that are based exclusively on the specific needs of the community. Instead of party-political doctrines, practical considerations and the direct effectiveness of measures are in the foreground.
The decision-making processes in voter associations also follow a different pattern. While parties are often characterized by long voting chains and the need to coordinate with higher levels, voter associations can act more directly and quickly. The proximity to the citizens also enables those affected to be directly involved in decision-making processes.ocesse. This form of participatory democracy strengthens trust in political decisions and increases their acceptance among the population - if only because citizens have a chance to participate in decision-making processes and thus help shape social conditions.
Another significant advantage of voters' associations is their function as a "school of democracy". The low-threshold participation opportunities and the direct connection to local issues make it easier to get started in political engagement. Citizens experience directly how their participation can bring about concrete changes. This experience of democratic self-efficacy is particularly valuable for strengthening local democracy and political education. In this way, citizens begin to deal with social contexts instead of just consuming the image of reality conveyed by the media. This leads to a deeper understanding of how society works and the intertwining of economic interests with politics. This broadens the horizon of thought and makes new, more in-depth and sustainable approaches to solutions possible in the first place.
The practical advantages of voters' associations are particularly evident in the efficiency of their work. Thanks to short decision-making processes and a focus on concrete problem solutions, they can often act more quickly and in a more targeted manner than traditional parties. The low administrative costs and the effective use of resources also enable resource-saving policies. The willingness to experiment with innovative solutions also contributes to the development of creative answers to local challenges.
However, some of these advantages exist mainly at the local level. When it comes to state or federal politics, the structure of the voters' associations is strained. Office space for the MPs has to be rented, MPs have to stay permanently in Berlin or the respective state capitals. Direct contact with the voters is also lost. It is also questionable how voters' associations at the state or federal level can obtain the necessary majorities to actually enter parliament.
Regarding the financial aspect, it can be noted that each parliamentary group in the state parliament or federal parliament is provided with financial resources. These can be used to rent office space and pay the MPs their expenses. These financial resources are calculated according to the proportion of votes received in elections. In order to maintain proximity to the voters, it would be conceivable to introduce a rotation principle. Members of parliament from the voters' associations could take turns over the course of a legislative period and be replaced again and again, perhaps also on a topic-specific basis. In this way, no member of parliament would be in parliament for more than a few days or weeks, which would make it more difficult to distance themselves from the voters. Corruption can also be limited in this way, as lobbyists always have to convince new contacts. In addition, the Internet now makes it possible to communicate with voters remotely and to obtain their views on the topics being discussed.
It is also possible to elect members of parliament to the Bundestag or the state parliaments via direct candidates. These are directly elected in each constituency and therefore do not have to get as many votes as the parties need for their list candidates. In order to pool votes, however, it would be possible to set up a state or nationwide alliance of voters' associations that functions like a party only in terms of votes. The members do not have to agree on the content. It is enough if they are united by the desire to disempower the traditional parties and to involve the people in political processes so that a real democracy can emerge.
In this way, it is also possible not to refuse to work with parties due to party discipline or questionable principles. Instead, the members of the voters' association could work with various parties on specific issues and according to their own interests without having to enter into a coalition and then being bound to it. In the best case, coalitions would thus be completely superfluous in the future. Instead, there would be topic-related cooperation in coordination with the voters.
Voters' associations could help to finally take democracy in Germany a step forward and break the party oligarchy. They would be a way of involving people more directly in political processes and bringing their views on the issues to parliament. In Hamburg, "Die Wahl" is making a start for the state elections next spring. But to do this, it first needs signatures in order to be able to take part in the state elections at all.Given the early federal elections, it would make sense to set up voter associations and unite them in a supra-regional alliance. However, due to the early elections, this would have to be implemented very quickly if they want to play a role in the coming legislative period. Whether this is realistic remains to be seen. However, this would require interest from citizens and voluntary commitment.
11/18/2024
Felix Feistel, born in 1992, studied law and graduated with a state examination and works as a freelance journalist and author. He regularly publishes articles on current events on various platforms, including [manova.news]Link, [apolut.net]Link, [tkp.at]Link, [norberthaering.de]Link and the [freie Medienakademie]Link. He also runs a [Telegram channel](t.me/Felix_Feistel).
Dejan Lazic, social economist and business lawyer, university lecturer for constitutional and migration law (2002-2022), publications at [haintz.media]Link, [Overton-Magazin]Link, [tkp.at]Link, [nachdenkseiten.de]Link and [norberthaering.de]Link
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